Lawlessness in Post-Exodus Attera

Article originally written by Liam Sinclair, Attera’s longest-serving, and now former, Prime Minister and top bureaucrat, in April 2005.

In February 2005, Attera experienced the largest internal strife in its history since the 2001 Coup d’Etat. The events of that month and its aftermath caused Attera to descend into lawlessness where its constitution was cherry-picked for justifications and its laws largely ignored.

The Exodus experienced in Attera near the end of February 2005 was a massive event in that micronation’s history, with fully one half of its population tendering their resignations, including citizenships, within a timeframe of twenty-four hours. This article does not try to explain the origins and repercussions of the event with respect to the persons involved. Instead, the aim is to discuss the effects of the decisions of the Emperor of the Atterans, Mik’el Tzion (Diga Makonnen IV), on the Atteran legal systems and the fallout experienced in that system since.

Origins of the Exodus

The origins of the Exodus lie in what is largely the black-hole of the Atteran legal system – the Atteran Commonwealth. The Commonwealth, which is now officially disbanded, though eerily familiar in the newly formed Union of Atteran Monarchies, was largely undefined in Atteran law from its inception in 2002 until its demise almost five years later. During its near-three year lifespan, the Commonwealth nations, comprised of Transattera, Syrah, and Ecosse-Aersat, were rarely active, with only the latter having any real structural development occurring for a brief period.

The fate of the Commonwealth was discussed during the Sinclair-regime in 2003 when that Prime Minister proposed disbanding the organization, citing that it was deadweight which offered no real benefit to the Atteran Empire. Ras Daniel Dreesbach agreed with Ras Sinclair’s assessment of the Commonwealth at this time, but both agreed to not use their powers in the Grand Executive Council to force its disbandment after granting Emperor Tzion more time to prove its worth.

Fast forward to February 2005 when the Commonwealth, which had dropped off the radar screen after the discussions in 2003 were complete, would suddenly be thrust back onto the Atteran political stage, in what seemed like a minor incident. Emperor Tzion, who also served as the King of Transattera, laid claim to a piece of territory of the micronational of Shireroth known as Lorelei in the name of Transattera. What seemed like a minor land claim suddenly blew out into a major intermicronational incident which dragged Attera’s government, now under Prime Minister Ras Bitwoded Johanns fonn Klosso, into the dispute by virtue of the common head of state shared by all Commonwealth nations.

Shireroth, which was a friendly treaty nation with Attera, though both nations conducted espionage operations against each other more frequently than need be, immediately saw its population see the claim on Lorelei as a claim by the Atteran Imperial Government, not Transattera. Treaty relations with a friendly, albeit competitive, nation were at risk over the claim of a Commonwealth nation which had been inactive, along with its other sister nations in that organization, for the better part of three years. The Transatteran claim caught the Atteran Imperial Government by complete surprise as it had not been informed of the claim privately (or that Transattera was coming to an active state at that particular time).

The threat to treaty relations with Shireroth did not reignite the debate over the fate of the Commonwealth in Attera right away. In fact, the thought of dissolving the Atteran Commonwealth was not even mentioned publicly; the only discussion at this point in time regarding the organization was to remove the inactive Heads of State of the Commonwealth nations from the Council of Electors, so that in the event of the need to elect a new Emperor of the Atterans, the process would not get bogged down.1 Privately, however, ranking nobles of Attera were slowly seeding the way for the debate regarding the Commonwealth’s fate to return to the nation stage – though no one guessed how massive of an impact the debate would have this time around.

On 22 Feb 2005, Ras Daniel Dreesbach submitted to the Speaker of the Yezawd Derg a bill to dissolve the Atteran Commonwealth on the basis that it had proven to be an ineffective organization, there was little actual legal documentation explaining its purpose and relation to Attera, and the government of Klosso had decided to move past the need for such an organization.2 Immediately Emperor Tzion became enraged that the time had finally come where the government was making the legislative moves necessary to do away with the Commonwealth.

The Emperor invoked the Fourth Constitution in a piece-meal method to deny the royal assent of any bill passed by the Yezawd Derg on the Atteran Commonwealth, citing that he considered any such bill a threat to Attera’s sovereignty. The Emperor furthermore directly threatened to dismiss the Imperial High Judge if any rulings on the Commonwealth did not agree with the Imperial opinion. Finally, tensions between Ras Sinclair and the Emperor, whom had had a competitive relationship during the nearly two year administration of Sinclair as Prime Minister, which had escalated in recent weeks over Sinclair’s administration of Attera’s national news service and his criticism of current government practices, came to a head.

Aarbat Palace Threatens to Dissolve the Derg; dismiss the High Court

  1. Attera’s legal experts, Ras Sinclair and Ras Charles Beard, both agreed in their joint constitutional amendment (which was passed by the Yezawd Derg before the crisis) that the most prudent method of electing a new Emperor was to have members of Attera participate in the election until such a time the Heads of State of the Commonwealth could prove that they could be active and their nations worthy of such an honour. []
  2. The dissolution bill was not formally tabled in the Derg until April 2005, after the Emperor agreed to do away with the Commonwealth following the exodus. His Majesty’s Hansard, 1st Yezawd Derg: []

The Amerada Series – Part 2: The Experiences of War and Terrorism

The Amerada Series is a collection of articles concerning the history of the Republic of Amerada, which was an active Anglophone Simulationist Community micronation in the early twenty-first century. Most of these articles were originally published in Liam Sinclair’s Amerada: the Story of a Nation book in 2002/2003. The articles as published by RIMA were subsequently updated and expanded for what was intended to be a more detailed edition of that book in 2007. Additional updates since the original manuscripts were re-written in 2007 have been made in an effort to complete articles that were left incomplete in 2007 upon cessation of the Amerada: the Story of a Nation fourth-edition effort.

The development of a national security and defence infrastructure was never a policy that was taken seriously during the development of the Amerada nation. Even during times of upheaval, attack, and invasion such policies were far from the minds of Ameradians. This can largely be attributed to the attitude of the population; they were concerned with far more important political and state issues than with responding to the immaturity of other micronations such as Freenesia and the Union of South Mondesia which decided to indulge themselves in the laughable act of “rec-warring.1

Amerada was not immune from the acts of war and terrorism that often plagued the micronational community in the early part of the twenty-first century. While not lending any major weight to the creation of a national security infrastructure, Amerada was by far not the pacifist micronation its founders wished it to become. Incidents of internal terrorism at the hands of a radical; other micronations attempting to make it the subject of rec-warring caused tumultuous times in the micronation. Eventually the Amerada government was forced to create the office of “Chief of Security” for the micronation, with the holder of that position charged with protecting the national forums from spam and other security threats. Two persons would go on to hold that position, the first being Yuri Andropov.

Andropov was generally seen as a micronational security threat, not for any particular technical abilities, but for his ability to cause trouble wherever he went. The government would regret appointing Andropov to that position, as well as to the position of governor of the colony of Floerta, when he misused his powers to attempt to steal funds from the Second National Bank of Amerada and cede Floerta from the Republic.

Amerada, while not very concerned with military issues, did have some federal military infrastructure, though it largely consisted of one designated base to which an army of “Borg” (from Star Trek: The Next Generation) were stationed. That military force itself underlined the lack of importance Amerada’s federal government placed on the development of a model military force. At the colonial level the story was largely that of no military forces, except in the colonies of Tebec and Califario, and later Oh Scotia.

Colonial Defence – Serious Attempts at Mimicking Military Forces

By and far, the most serious attempt to model a macronational military force was that of Tebec’s governor, Liam Sinclair. An avid military history and studies student, Sinclair would create the largest and most detailed simulation of military structure and force that the Republic would see, known as the Tebec Militia.

That force would be deployed overseas to the United Bobessian Republic to support its defence against threats from the Amerada government (this being when Tebec was an external territory of Amerada in August 2002). It is important to note that a copy of the agreement between the Bobessian and Tebec governments at that time explicitly noted that if hostilities broke out with Amerada, the Tebec Militia units deployed in Bobessian territory would act as peacekeepers and not fight against the Amerada government. While tensions were always high between the Amerada and Tebec governments, Tebec Militia troops would never be deployed against Amerada.

In the Tebec Government’s Defence Plan 2002: A Combat Capable and Effective Tebec Militia document, the case for the development of colonial defence forces was put forward succinctly:

“…the Amerada Government is unwilling in providing defensive services against external threats….Amerada’s defence minister is inactive and … incompetent….Amerada itself has no coherent defence or military plan.”

The creation of these defence forces was further legitimized by the Amerada government performance in the attempted annexation of Amerada by the Free Territories of Freenesia, a micronation led by Philip Locke, the perpetrator of the 4/11 terrorist attacks against the United Republic of Tymaria. In that conflict of August 2002, Amerada’s government arbitrarily gave away colonial lands to appease Freenesia, which had no real claim as Amerada was not a participant on the Micronational Cartography Society’s world map project. It was not the first time that Freenesia had attempted to cause destabilization in Amerada – in April of the same year, it “invaded” Amerada soil, attempting to make it a battleground for its ongoing rec-warring with the Republic of Baracão.

This clearly angered the various colonial leaders involved, regardless of political affiliation, and it confirmed what the opposition movement to Washburn’s government had always stated: the federal government did not care about colonial rights, but instead saw the colonies as an extension of its own policies.

The only colonial defence force that responded to the Freenesia claim was the Califario Defence Force, while the Tebec Militia was not deployed due to its government believing the claim to be bogus for two reasons: the Micronational Cartography Society reason mentioned above; and that rec-warring was not a policy that allowed legitimate claiming of sovereign lands. With the passage of the federal pacifistic law, known as Law 35, the colonies became the only governments in Amerada which could raise military forces, and that would trigger renewed development in the Tebec Militia2 and the creation of a military in Oh Scotia.

‘Shadow’ – Amerada’s Home-Grown Terrorist

Amerada was largely a peaceable micronation. Yet, its early setting as a micronation consisting of a population that was centralized in Hillcrest High presented stability problems. Such problems are the bane of teenaged-life and the founding fathers of Amerada, with their seemingly unique – to the population of Hillcrest High – idea to create a micronation were prime targets for the bullies to try to wreck havoc against. The population of Amerada was a diverse pool of Hillcrest High Schoolers, and by no stretch of the imagination did all participants in Amerada take the project as seriously as Washburn or Weatherhead. There was at least one person in the group who would rock the Amerada project by becoming its only home-grown terrorist.

This person would become known as ‘Shadow’ and would be the perpetrator of several attacks against Amerada’s sovereignty on the Internet. The first attack would prove to be the only definitive attack, resulting in ‘Shadow’ taking down the Amerada website and replacing it with a dedication to him. The website was soon back online, but the point had been made that Amerada’s government was subject to internal threat by a person who was able to gain access to the micronation’s most important asset. The attack sparked fierce accusations of who was behind the ‘Shadow’ identity and, as previously mentioned, the list of suspects named practically everyone in the Amerada government except Washburn.

Future attacks by the assailant would be fictitious in nature, with the final attack on 31 October 2001 involving the detonation of “two nuclear weapons” in the Illitoban Desert, near Amerada’s Immigration Centre. That attack occurred during a political unstable period and on the day of the first impeachment trial of Prime Minister William Steeves. Its fictitious nature suggests an attempt by the government to ‘liven up’ the Amerada simulation by throwing a curve in national security at a time when it was already weakened by a useless and inactive government, as well as a vicious opposition movement to the Democratic Liberal Party of Amerada rule. One opposition member, Liam Sinclair, would comment that the 31 October ‘Shadow’ attack “looked good on Washburn,” for which he would later be tried and convicted of supporting terrorism.

The identity of ‘Shadow’ has remained one of the mysteries of Amerada during and after its life. Following the 31 October attack, the list of suspects was reported by the Los Antréal Times-Journal to have been narrowed to Mark Hickman, the then Minister of Defence, and Jonathan Weatherhead, both of whom were upset with the impeachment proceedings against Steeves. According to the publication’s sources, Hickman had evidence that Weatherhead committed the attack, though it was widely believed at the time that both were in fact in collusion despite whichever pulled the trigger.

Was ‘Shadow’ a result of one (or more) member not taking the Amerada project seriously or was it more of a vengeful way to make Washburn, who put so much time and effort into Amerada, suffer? It was clear that there were members of the Amerada government who did not take the project seriously, but instead saw it as a fun way to cause trouble. It is plausible that the initial attack, in June 2001, was indeed an act of nonchalance more than an act of vengeance or cruelty. It was the concerned and upset reaction of Washburn to the initial attack that led the way for ‘Shadow’ to become a crueler opponent of the Amerada project. Those behind the mask of that home-grown terrorist now knew to what level they could cause Washburn anguish and when their friends were threatened, such as was Steeves in October 2001, they would use Shadow to send a clear message to Washburn: we can destroy the very project you hold dear.

Intermicronational Pains – Rec-warring Micronations Attempt to Drag Amerada Down

It was not uncommon for Washburn to threaten war with another micronation on Micro-Monde in order to get his way on the diplomacy stage; even if such threats were empty due to the lack of an Amerada military. It was the belief that Washburn had hacker-friends which worried other micronations, but following the ‘Shadow’ incidents, their worries were alleviated as they saw that any hacker-friends Washburn had were mainly concerned with making his life painful.

Amerada’s history of intermicronational tensions dates back to early 2001 when it was a new micronation on the very active Internet micronational scene. An established micronation, the Aercian Empire, would be the first, and not the last, to criticize the citizenship method employed by Amerada – counting website hits as simulated citizens. These tensions did not spark into a war, but rather went away with time, as both micronations were signatories to the Splendid Union of Micronations Charter, which forbid conflicts between members.

In January 2002, Amerada would find itself on war-footing with the United Republic of Tymaria. Tymaria was the micronational military power of the day, due in large part to the remnants of the Atteran military and Crimson Order incorporated into it, and many considered it foolish for Washburn to ignore a threat of military force from that micronation.

The escalating conflict was a result of the Tymarian state of Interland’s participation in the Micro-Monde3 world map project. Tymaria had recently made it known that it would use the Micronational Cartography Society’s world map project as its official map and requested that Washburn remove Interland from the Micro-Monde map. Opposition tensions in Amerada meant that a high-ranking officer of the Tymarian military was blinded by rage and failed to understand Washburn’s motives. That officer, Marshal Liam Sinclair, who commanded the Tymarian Army and was the Tymarian Defence Forces’ chief expert on Micro-Monde, believed that Washburn was refusing to give up Interland’s participation in Micro-Monde because he did not want to lose participants in his pet cartography project.

Washburn’s reason for not allowing Interland to leave Micro-Monde was sound – you just can’t erase a landmass from a map which is supposed to mimic a real planet. Yet the version of the Interland map used by Micro-Monde was the official map of that micronation and, to protect intellectual property rights, the Interlandic government didn’t want its official map on Micro-Monde when it was no longer intent on being a member of that organization. Washburn wanted to keep the outline of the Interlandic map and just erase the content and replace it with another Micro-Monde micronation on the basis of his “land can’t just disappear” argument.

Sinclair, having witnessed first hand Washburn’s less than colourful record on rights and freedoms in Amerada, saw the refusal as an example of him attempting to prevent Interland from exercising its right of national self-determination. Blinded by rage due to Washburn not allowing Interland4 to leave Micro-Monde, Sinclair advised the Tymarian government that action against Washburn may be the only way to resolve the issue. Washburn, fearing he was losing his effort to keep Interland on the Micro-Monde map, even with the technical arguments, invoked the support of Amerada for his cause.

Yet, Washburn would back down knowing that he could not go against the Tymarian military machine. Interland was removed from the Micro-Monde map and the fictional land, while not removed as per the initial wishes of the Tymarian government, was given to another Micro-Monde micronation. Interland would be the first micronation to leave Micro-Monde, but it would not be the last, and indeed it would not be the only one to have to oppose Washburn’s attempts to save his cartography project from oblivion.

In March 2002, the Union of South Mondesia announced that it would also leave the Micro-Monde world map project in favour of the Micronational Cartography Society’s project. Outraged at this decision to leave his project, Washburn announced that no micronation which was a participant in Micro-Monde could leave the project without his expressed permission. Once again, Washburn dragged Amerada into his personal Micro-Monde conflicts and had its government declare war on South Mondesia. Within a week, Amerada surrendered to South Mondesia as that micronation and its allies chose to ignore Washburn’s claims. The peace treaty between the two micronations stated that Amerada could not declare war against South Mondesia for at least four months – an article which Washburn attempted to delete from the treaty after it was signed (as he had moderator powers over the forum where the signing ceremony was held). He was called on the attempt and Amerada lost further respect intermicronationally due to the childish actions of its leader.

The conflict with South Mondesia also served to upset an ally of Amerada – the United Bobessian Republic. It was pulled into the conflict, which it deemed foolish, and surrendered to South Mondesia before Amerada so as to not have to deal with the issue any longer. In April 2002, the Bobessian Republic would declare war on Amerada as it became agitated with Washburn’s attempts to prevent micronations from leaving the Micro-Monde project, declaring Washburn to be a dictator as “he was never elected president of Amerada”5. Amerada was the victim of a Bobessian spam attack, but in the end both sides grew tired of the conflict and agreed to work together once again. Yet lasting damage to the relationship did occur, and for the duration of the existence of the Bobessian Republic, it was clear that Washburn no longer held respect in that micronation. Less than six months later, in October 2002, the Bobessian Republic would once again declare war on Amerada to assist the Republic of Toaka, a staunch ally of the Bobessians and macronationally-based micronation in Vancouver, Canada. Bobessian President Christopher Donle, launched his election platform at approximately the same time as the declaration of war, calling for the repeal of the Bobessian anti-war acts, passed following the first conflict with Amerada, noting that the current relationship (i.e. war) between the two micronations was “ideal”6.

Also in March 2002, the micronation of Pacary decided to leave the Micro-Monde project as its congress had voted to join the Micronational Cartography Society project instead. In the Amerada Embassy to Pacary, Washburn defiantly stated, “If Pacary leaves Micro-Monde, I’m afraid we will see this as a threat to the Republic of Amerada and therefore cut relations with Pacary….” Once again, Washburn, by virtue of his presidency over the Republic of Amerada drew the micronation and its population into a personal conflict outside the purview of his office.

This threat by Washburn was a critical turning point in Amerada as both his political opponents, and several of his prominent fellow Democratic Liberals, undertook secret discussions in the Union of South Mondesia to facilitate the overthrow of Earl Washburn and the formation of a new Amerada. Those involved in the discussions were Peter Little, Nicholas Bridgewater, Philip Locke, Liam Sinclair, Christopher Donle, Matt McIvor, and Glen Bohach. The discussions included whether or not Amerada should become a monarchy in the post-Washburn era, as well as the structure of a new government. In the end, no overthrow of Washburn occurred as Pacary decided to co-exist on both the Micro-Monde and Micronational Cartography Society maps to appease Washburn. Pacary proved sympathetic to the effects of having a personal project unravel with no possible way to stop the descent.

A micronation leaving Micro-Monde, an intermicronational organization which had two things in common with Amerada – Amerada’s current president was its founder and Amerada was participating in the project – was dragged into four conflicts as a result of Washburn using his position as president to force the Amerada government to commit to an antagonistic approach. If it were up to the actual population of Amerada at the time as to whether it would support Washburn’s side of these Micro-Monde conflicts, Amerada would have perhaps been able to gain respect intermicronationally.

  1. Rec-warring, as commonly defined, is a practice by which two or more micronations engage in fictional wars via narration. To many micronationalists, the practice is seen as a characteristic of the more immature micronations, as well as degrading to the seriousness of macronational war. []
  2. This renewed development would create two defence plans, including the Defence Plan 2002 as well as formalize the structure of the Militia. It was divided into three battalions, each with unique military units, including the common ones such as infantry, which were based at two military installations – one in San Datoon, and one in Los Antréal. The Tebec Military College was also created, which trained officers from Oh Scotia as well, and the Militia became closely intertwined with the Tebec Government’s economic simulation of the day, with each level of rank given individual pay scales, as well as special pay for deployments and education grants. []
  3. Not to be confused with the Francophone Micronational Sector’s world map project. []
  4. Sinclair’s first micronational participation was with Interland and at the time he was still a fiercely nationalistic Interlandic. []
  5. “Another View on UBR vs. Amerada, The NUT news service (New Macadam), issue #16, 8 April 2002. []
  6. Bobessian Broadcasting Company (BBC-BTN) News for Monday, 16 September 2002. []

Renegotiation of the Attera – Politika Relationship

In October 2002 the Republic of Politika and Attera, then known as the Imperial Federation of Atteran States, formalized a mutual defence relationship as part of a larger plan to undermine the Republic of Baracão (with Politika being created by Robert Silby explicitly for the purpose of opposing Baracão due to the failure of a coup led by Edward Guimont). The creation of Politika and the alliance treaty were a part of an ongoing Crimson Order operation to destabilize Baracão.

Politika’s subsequent connections to the infamous micronational terrorist organization, Anarchy 21, which attacked several major micronations causing major data loss in some cases, caused tension between the Atteran and Politikan governments, eventually leading to a fizzling out of the alliance as the renegotiation deadline of 01 December 2003 approached.

Negotiations on a new treaty between the two allies started in mid-May 2003 with the Atteran government being represented by Prime Minister Ras Liam Sinclair and Politika’s efforts being led primarily by foreign minister Tom Blake. If all went smoothly, both micronations would renew their alliance by the end of June of that year; however, this was not to be the case.

The intention for the new treaty was to make it highly detailed, far moreso than the original, including a clause dealing with Attera and Politika being located on different world map projects (Attera had removed itself from the Micronational Cartography Society in favour of the Alternate Realities World Map Project and adopted an official policy of not allowing fictional maps to influence national policy). Furthermore, the treaty would be expanded to include extradition, a more detailed mutual defence agreement, and technical and public relations aid.

Despite the wide range of intentions discussed for the new treaty, the alliance renegotiation was doomed from the outset due to the Atteran government being less than impressed with Politikan connections to Anarchy 21 (though the Atteran government never complained about its protection from terrorist attacks by Anarchy 21 due to the mutual defence pact in force). Atteran Prime Minister Sinclair made it clear on 02 Jun 2003 that the renegotiation of the treaty would not proceed unless Politika unconditionally adopted the Scheheradze Convention on Micronational Warfare.

This request was triggered by growing tensions between the Kingdom of Babkha and Politika over security issues and as a result of the Atteran government placing greater importance upon the peace negotiations with Babkha at the time than on being faithful allies of Politika. As a result, the Atteran government was successful in having Politika ratify the Convention by 20 Jun and ensuring that efforts to end the three year state of conflict between Attera and Babkha would continue.

In an editorial letter to The Citizen, a monthly magazine published by Thomas Cutterham, Sinclair emphasized Attera’s commitment to maintaining its obligations as a treaty ally of Politika, while at the same time condemning the ‘terrorist’ actions of President Silby. The letter set the attitude of the Atteran government for the remaining six months of the original treaty – Attera now only supported Politika due to a treaty obligation and was becoming very irritated with the Republic.

The Argaath Perez Accords

The Argaath Perez Peace Conference held during 2003 and 2004 between the Solomonic Empire of Attera and the Kingdom of Babkha has its origins in the friendly relationship between an Atteran and a Babkhan. It helped that these two individuals – Atteran Prime Minister Liam Sinclair and Babkhan Foreign Vizier Abbas Namvari (Robert Kee) – were widely respected and held powerful posts in their respective governments.

It was the cooperation between Sinclair and Namvari in various intermicronational projects, ranging from organizing the Raspur Intermicronational Community initial negotiations, to the creation and maintenance of the Alternate Realities World Map project, which began a new realm of Attera-Babkha cooperation not seen since 2001.

It was in 2001 when the two formerly-friendly micronations became enemies, after Babkha, which was a newly arrived micronation late in 2000, mistook an action by Attera’s foreign ministry as an attempt by that nation to annex Babkhan sovereignty. It would not be until Babkha’s original Shah, Babak, and Attera’s perennial leader, Mik’el Tzion (Diga Makonnen IV), were largely out of the picture that the two nations could finally work towards their greater good and for the improvement of the micronational community.

Before any peace agreement could be written, it was necessary for the origins of the conflict between the two micronations to be explored and agreed upon. Such was the primary demand of Mik’el Tzion before he would commit his signature to any agreement.

The origins of the conflict were murky at best; indefinable at worse. In an update of Babkhan foreign affairs in 2003, Namvari described the Attera-Babkha conflict as “ongoing…for reasons forgotten by most,” during a conversation to the Atteran prime minister. With most members of both governments having entered micronationalism, or their respective Atteran or Babkhan participation, long after the initial disruption in relations occurred, few, if any, members of both micronations knew the truth of the origins of the conflict. The hope for a peace settlement came to rest on the shoulders of two people – Atteran Mik’el Tzion and Babkhan Tahmaseb Farshbaf – who represented the most knowledgeable remaining micronationalists on the matter.

The documents that would be used to rectify the origins of the conflict were filed deeply in the Atteran National Archives and proved only to tell the Attera side of the story, and very indirectly at that. Those documents showed a strong and friendly relationship between Attera and Babkha in late 2000 and early 2001.

According to Farshbaf, as a young micronation, Babkha attempted to establish relations with Corvinia and found itself rudely rebuffed. Knowing that Attera (then known as the Imperial Rasinate of Q’attera Macusiaa – IRQM) had a very poor opinion of Corvinia through Mik’el Tzion (at the time known as Diga Makonnen IV), Babkha’s Shah Babak approached the Atterans to seek assistance in the ensuing diplomatic feud between Babkha and Corvinia. When the two micronations finally resolved their differences and became friendlier, Attera (still an enemy of Corvinia) became insulted at the Babkhan decision to maintain relations with Corvinia. Ras Markle of the IRQM made clear in conversations with Babkhan officials that they could not maintain relations with both Attera and Corvinia, and with Babak having become good friends with Corvinia’s leader and Babkha feeling forced to choose sides, Babkha ended its relationship with Attera.

The Corvinia situation was merely a precursor to what would become the primary reason for the start of the cold war between Attera and Babkha. That reason would revolve around the Atteran ‘Bold New Era’ foreign affairs policy. This plan was originally intended to be used by Attera to destabilize older micronations so that newer ones could usher in a new era, but after much consideration the plan was watered down to promote intermicronational cooperation and called for older micronations of the day to help nurture those that were younger. Yet the Rasinate’s public image caused many micronations to see the initiative as a way to gain power over others and the Bold New Era plan received a lukewarm reception. In Babkha, according to Farshbaf, the plan was seen as the Rasinate’s “evil” plan to “rule that world,” and Babkha’s League of Micronations delegation was directed to derail the initiative at the intermicronational organization. Another policy, the Rasinate’s ‘Aggressive Foreign Policy,’ further gave the impression of Rasinate world-domination motives. Makonnen called Attera’s motives “naïve” in retrospect noting that the micronation believed that “greatness meant having tons of allies and people who knew us.” Babkha’s view of the Rasinate as a power hungry imperialist that was more than willing to threaten its sovereignty had been well cemented by the two policies, as well as by an offer by Ras Markle to place Babkha under Atteran protection (as Babkha didn’t maintain a military at the time). A cold war that would last until 2004 ensued.

That cold war saw a long list of actions by both parties taken against the other, including Atteran attempts to raid Babkha’s secure forums and Babkha’s attempts to undermine Attera on the intermicronational stage. An Atteran operation against the People’s Republic of the New Soviet Empire (PRNSE) was directly attributed to Attera’s desire to reduce Babkha’s alliances.

The most notable conflict between the two was the TYSOG Incident in which Attera, via Tymaria, interfered with a splinter Republic of Morovia that Babkha was attempting to gain influence over to expand its own ‘empire’.

Attaining an agreement to repair the ancient (in micronational time) rift would become the responsibility of Attera’s Prime Minister (Sinclair) and Babkha’s Grand Vizier (Ardashir Khan). In a joint press release on 14 November 2003, both noted the hope that the Argaath Perez Conference would be the “final step in returning … relations to their cooperative state when both nations first began relations many years ago.” The Conference would also aim to build on the cordial intermicronational relationship between Sinclair and Namvari that dated from late 2002. Behind the scenes discussions between the Prime Minister and Grand Vizier ensued, in addition to those held at the conference’s forum, and there was much opposition to the notion of peace between the two micronations on both sides. In particular, in Attera, Ras Dabe Harmagedon opposed the efforts, while in Babkha, Baharm Gul Khurdamin (a.k.a. Babak) voiced opposition. Finally, in mid-July 2004, a draft treaty was reached and by the end of that month peace had been formally achieved in the Argaath Perez Accords.

Yet peace would not last between the two micronations. In April 2005, with Attera hurting for activity and a reason to exist following the February 2005 Exodus of Atteran Nobles, Makonnen would use Babkha attaining membership in the Grand Commonwealth to claim that the Accords had been violated. Little would come of the renewed hostilities as Makonnen soon found himself deployed once again with the United States Army in Hurricane Katrina relief efforts and a second stint in Iraq. The only notable conflict would be between Attera and the Grand Commonwealth over an Atteran claim to a portion of the collapsing micronation of San Martin (Santa Gertrudis). By September of 2005, Makonnen had been overthrown in Attera for inactivity and Attera would drift into obscurity.

RIMA Timeline Series: #1

Click Thumbnail to View

The RIMA Timeline Series is intended to present a regularly-published brief sequence noting various events in the Anglophone Simulationist Micronational Community history.

This is the first instalment and it can be accessed by clicking on the thumbnail image above. Feedback on the mode of delivery of the timelines and other general comments are appreciated.

ASAAF: Simulationists’ Response to the 2004 Tsunami Disaster

The Indian Ocean Tsunami of December 26, 2004 was one of the most devastating natural disasters in the modern history of planet Earth. In a matter of hours, more than 186,000 people had been killed, entire towns destroyed, and the livelihood of millions changed forever. Some 42,000 people are still listed as missing by the United Nations.

Few communities were spared from the effects of the tsunami, including the micronational community that had several participants resident in the affected areas. A prominent micronationalist, Robert Kee (a.k.a. Abbas Namvari) reported that his family was in good health after the disaster, having escaped the worst damages in Malaysia.

The international response to the tsunami was swift and overwhelming—just a week after the disaster, on New Year’s Day of 2005, over $8.1b USD had been pledged to assist relief efforts. The event mobilised governments throughout the world to respond with money, supplies, and troops. asaaf1

Governments weren’t alone in providing relief. Everyday citizens throughout the world dug into their individual pockets to contribute funds to the various non-governmental organisations participating in relief operations.   Among those citizens were various micronationalists who band together in one of the most important coordinated micronational responses to a macronational disaster.

In the Solomonic Empire of Attera, Imperial Ras Charles Beard created the Attera South Asia Assistance Fund (ASAAF), which would become the pinnacle of local simulationist community relief efforts. The fund, created on December 28, had received contributions totaling 60% of its final goal ($200 USD) within just two days. Attera’s Prime Minister, Johanns fonn Klosso, noted that “disasters … could hit you too someday. Be compassionate and others will be compassionate to you.”

Micronationalists understood the message and by January 5, ASAAF’s goal had been exceeded, with a total of $220 USD raised for relief efforts. Beard sent the funds to Catholic Relief Services.

The Atteran fund was not the only contribution to the relief efforts by the micronational community. Noting that there was an inherent delay in donating through ASAAF, several micronationalists contributed directly to non-governmental organisations so that the money would be more quickly available for relief efforts.

In the end, the tsunami was an important motivator at the micronational level as the community had often been limited to its Internet roots. Few micronations, and indeed micronationalists, even acknowledged the existence of the community at the macronational level. The concerted effort led by ASAAF brought micronationalists together to punch above their weight and contribute to the wider macronational community. For a time, it was not taboo to be a person involved in something as “silly” as micronationalism.