The Argaath Perez Accords

The Argaath Perez Peace Conference held during 2003 and 2004 between the Solomonic Empire of Attera and the Kingdom of Babkha has its origins in the friendly relationship between an Atteran and a Babkhan. It helped that these two individuals – Atteran Prime Minister Liam Sinclair and Babkhan Foreign Vizier Abbas Namvari (Robert Kee) – were widely respected and held powerful posts in their respective governments.

It was the cooperation between Sinclair and Namvari in various intermicronational projects, ranging from organizing the Raspur Intermicronational Community initial negotiations, to the creation and maintenance of the Alternate Realities World Map project, which began a new realm of Attera-Babkha cooperation not seen since 2001.

It was in 2001 when the two formerly-friendly micronations became enemies, after Babkha, which was a newly arrived micronation late in 2000, mistook an action by Attera’s foreign ministry as an attempt by that nation to annex Babkhan sovereignty. It would not be until Babkha’s original Shah, Babak, and Attera’s perennial leader, Mik’el Tzion (Diga Makonnen IV), were largely out of the picture that the two nations could finally work towards their greater good and for the improvement of the micronational community.

Before any peace agreement could be written, it was necessary for the origins of the conflict between the two micronations to be explored and agreed upon. Such was the primary demand of Mik’el Tzion before he would commit his signature to any agreement.

The origins of the conflict were murky at best; indefinable at worse. In an update of Babkhan foreign affairs in 2003, Namvari described the Attera-Babkha conflict as “ongoing…for reasons forgotten by most,” during a conversation to the Atteran prime minister. With most members of both governments having entered micronationalism, or their respective Atteran or Babkhan participation, long after the initial disruption in relations occurred, few, if any, members of both micronations knew the truth of the origins of the conflict. The hope for a peace settlement came to rest on the shoulders of two people – Atteran Mik’el Tzion and Babkhan Tahmaseb Farshbaf – who represented the most knowledgeable remaining micronationalists on the matter.

The documents that would be used to rectify the origins of the conflict were filed deeply in the Atteran National Archives and proved only to tell the Attera side of the story, and very indirectly at that. Those documents showed a strong and friendly relationship between Attera and Babkha in late 2000 and early 2001.

According to Farshbaf, as a young micronation, Babkha attempted to establish relations with Corvinia and found itself rudely rebuffed. Knowing that Attera (then known as the Imperial Rasinate of Q’attera Macusiaa – IRQM) had a very poor opinion of Corvinia through Mik’el Tzion (at the time known as Diga Makonnen IV), Babkha’s Shah Babak approached the Atterans to seek assistance in the ensuing diplomatic feud between Babkha and Corvinia. When the two micronations finally resolved their differences and became friendlier, Attera (still an enemy of Corvinia) became insulted at the Babkhan decision to maintain relations with Corvinia. Ras Markle of the IRQM made clear in conversations with Babkhan officials that they could not maintain relations with both Attera and Corvinia, and with Babak having become good friends with Corvinia’s leader and Babkha feeling forced to choose sides, Babkha ended its relationship with Attera.

The Corvinia situation was merely a precursor to what would become the primary reason for the start of the cold war between Attera and Babkha. That reason would revolve around the Atteran ‘Bold New Era’ foreign affairs policy. This plan was originally intended to be used by Attera to destabilize older micronations so that newer ones could usher in a new era, but after much consideration the plan was watered down to promote intermicronational cooperation and called for older micronations of the day to help nurture those that were younger. Yet the Rasinate’s public image caused many micronations to see the initiative as a way to gain power over others and the Bold New Era plan received a lukewarm reception. In Babkha, according to Farshbaf, the plan was seen as the Rasinate’s “evil” plan to “rule that world,” and Babkha’s League of Micronations delegation was directed to derail the initiative at the intermicronational organization. Another policy, the Rasinate’s ‘Aggressive Foreign Policy,’ further gave the impression of Rasinate world-domination motives. Makonnen called Attera’s motives “naïve” in retrospect noting that the micronation believed that “greatness meant having tons of allies and people who knew us.” Babkha’s view of the Rasinate as a power hungry imperialist that was more than willing to threaten its sovereignty had been well cemented by the two policies, as well as by an offer by Ras Markle to place Babkha under Atteran protection (as Babkha didn’t maintain a military at the time). A cold war that would last until 2004 ensued.

That cold war saw a long list of actions by both parties taken against the other, including Atteran attempts to raid Babkha’s secure forums and Babkha’s attempts to undermine Attera on the intermicronational stage. An Atteran operation against the People’s Republic of the New Soviet Empire (PRNSE) was directly attributed to Attera’s desire to reduce Babkha’s alliances.

The most notable conflict between the two was the TYSOG Incident in which Attera, via Tymaria, interfered with a splinter Republic of Morovia that Babkha was attempting to gain influence over to expand its own ‘empire’.

Attaining an agreement to repair the ancient (in micronational time) rift would become the responsibility of Attera’s Prime Minister (Sinclair) and Babkha’s Grand Vizier (Ardashir Khan). In a joint press release on 14 November 2003, both noted the hope that the Argaath Perez Conference would be the “final step in returning … relations to their cooperative state when both nations first began relations many years ago.” The Conference would also aim to build on the cordial intermicronational relationship between Sinclair and Namvari that dated from late 2002. Behind the scenes discussions between the Prime Minister and Grand Vizier ensued, in addition to those held at the conference’s forum, and there was much opposition to the notion of peace between the two micronations on both sides. In particular, in Attera, Ras Dabe Harmagedon opposed the efforts, while in Babkha, Baharm Gul Khurdamin (a.k.a. Babak) voiced opposition. Finally, in mid-July 2004, a draft treaty was reached and by the end of that month peace had been formally achieved in the Argaath Perez Accords.

Yet peace would not last between the two micronations. In April 2005, with Attera hurting for activity and a reason to exist following the February 2005 Exodus of Atteran Nobles, Makonnen would use Babkha attaining membership in the Grand Commonwealth to claim that the Accords had been violated. Little would come of the renewed hostilities as Makonnen soon found himself deployed once again with the United States Army in Hurricane Katrina relief efforts and a second stint in Iraq. The only notable conflict would be between Attera and the Grand Commonwealth over an Atteran claim to a portion of the collapsing micronation of San Martin (Santa Gertrudis). By September of 2005, Makonnen had been overthrown in Attera for inactivity and Attera would drift into obscurity.

About the Author

Liam Sinclair
Owner/Senior Editor. One of the longest-serving micronational journalists, Sinclair started reporting in 2001. His work has since been recognized by several community awards.
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